The
University of Texas has filed its main brief
in Fisher v. University of Texas, and it’s a doozy. It argues, among
other oddities,
- that
the continuing “underrepresentation” of blacks and Hispanics requires the
continued use of racial preferences to increase their numbers, but that the
reason for increasing their numbers has nothing to do with increasing their
numbers; it is necessary only because the “diversity” they provide is essential
for the “acquisition of competencies required of future leaders”; -
that
assessing “the educational benefits flowing from student body diversity” might
seem “amorphous,” but “trained educators” are competent to do so and courts
should defer to their expertise; - that
because Texas has no specific “race-based target” it should be allowed
virtually unlimited latitude to give as much weight to race as it chooses; -
that
race-based preferences are necessary to combat racial stereotypes, presumably
including the stereotype that minorities are incapable of succeeding without
race-based preferences; - that
not only is it too soon to limit or overturn Grutter; it will always be
too soon because there are still “thousands of classes” where blacks and
Hispanics are “nearly non-existent” and “diversity” is required not just
institution-wide but in all classes.
I
discuss these and other aspects of the brief in more detail here.
The case for “affirmative action” in college admissions, it occurs to me, shares something in common with just about all other government programs: the benefits (if any at all) are vastly magnified by proponents, while the costs are underestimated or completely overlooked.
Federal “green” investments, government housing programs, ethanol subsidies, minimum wage legislation, agricultural price supports, mass transit programs, diversity initiatives, and on and on — look carefully and you always find that advocates overstate the benefits and understate the costs.